In New York City, Chinese cuisine has long served as the ultimate comfort food, with over 2,000 Chinese restaurants spanning the five boroughs. Despite its popularity, Chinese cuisine in NYC is tied to a history of racism and exclusion. Facing rampant discrimination and limited job opportunities, Chinese immigrants turned to the food industry as one of the few employment sectors where they could survive. New York City offers a particularly telling story of how Chinese restaurants served as a lifeline for immigrant communities while also forcing them to compromise or completely abandon long-held cultural standards in order to cater to non-Chinese tastes. In the wake of COVID-19, Chinese restaurants in NYC saw a significant decline in business and a reinforcement of derogatory racial stereotypes.

The Beginnings of Chinese Immigration in the US

The California Gold Rush of 1849 brought the largest Chinese immigrant population into the US up to that point, driven by the prospect of wealth from gold mines and economic investment. Though they weren’t the only ethnic group immigrating into the US in large numbers, Chinese immigration came amid growing labor competition and the economic downturn of the 1870s. As a result, Chinese immigrants were widely scapegoated, resulting in rampant discrimination and the emergence of racial stereotypes that contributed to their marginalization and frequent exposure to violence.

One particularly notable example of anti-Asian rhetoric in the early stages of Chinese immigration was the advertising campaign for the pesticide “Rough on Rats,” designed to kill vermin. The campaign featured caricature depictions of Chinese men in the act of eating rats – visuals that were broadly circulated through trade cards, newspapers and magazines both nationally and internationally.

Beyond perpetuating the narrative that Chinese individuals had abnormal consumption choices, the advertisement fueled the broader sentiment that Chinese people were inherently unclean. Coupled with a sharp decrease in Chinese customers out of concern for their safety, such damaging stereotypes contributed to a decline in business for Chinese-owned restaurants.

Chinese-owned restaurants began in San Francisco in the 1850s but expanded to New York City in response to anti-Chinese violence in the West. Despite exclusionary laws like the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, some immigrants opened restaurants by exploiting loopholes, gradually forming the foundation of NYC’s Chinatown. Many Chinese immigrants sought refuge and opportunity in New York City, where the growing Chinatown in Lower Manhattan presented a vital support network. Still, Chinese restaurants were scarce during this period, only gaining significant popularity across the country after the invention of chop suey in NYC.¹

Chop Suey and Growing Acceptance of Chinese Cuisine

During the time of its invention, the majority of Chinese immigrants in the United States were men, many of whom lacked the formal culinary training that women had in traditional Chinese households. Having to make do with the local American ingredients and adapt to the American palette, they invented a simple dish to prepare and market that consisted of leftover food called chop suey. Its name is believed to have derived from the Cantonese “tsap sui”, meaning “mixed bits” or “miscellaneous leftovers” and consisted of meat like pork, chicken, or beef, vegetables, like celery, bean sprouts, cabbage, or onions, and soy sauce, often stir-fried with rice, and later crispy noodles.² Although the dish had never existed in China, Americans quickly associated it with exoticism and mystery, opting for it as a quick and easy meal in the context of rapid urbanization, where affordability, convenience, and novelty were highly valued. During the 1930s, “Chop Suey houses” became very popular in Lower Manhattan and the Bronx, driven by New Yorkers looking for affordable options during the Great Depression.³ By the mid-20th century, chop suey barely resembled its original state, slowly evolving to adapt to the American palate as the sweet, stir-fry version we know today.

Chop suey’s widespread appeal opened the door for Chinese immigrants to establish restaurants that not only served this dish, but also introduced other now-familiar dishes such as fried rice, chow mein, and beef with broccoli. However, Chinese Americans themselves rarely profited from this shift. Systematic barriers such as racist lending policies and legal restrictions on property ownership barred Chinese Americans from climbing the economic ladder and opening large food manufacturing businesses.

Still, the advent of economic hardship during the 1930s drove more non-Chinese Americans to welcome Chinese food as a cheap and accessible dining option, leading to improved business for small, Chinese-owned restaurants, especially in New York City, as well as other big cities. During this time, the number of Chinese restaurants in NYC quadrupled, and about 4,300 Chinese establishments were documented in the United States by 1940.⁴

At the base of the Statue of Liberty in 1965, The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 was signed by President Lyndon B. Johnson, which marked a major turning point in Chinese identity in the US. The act abolished previous immigration quotas and allowed the entry of thousands of more economically, socially, and culturally diverse Chinese immigrants. This diversification of the Chinese-American community allowed for greater variety on Chinese restaurant menus, as well as for Chinese restaurants to finally begin to cater to non-Chinese and Chinese customers alike. Many of these new restaurants reflected the specific regional and cultural identities of their owners, offering a more authentic and nuanced representation of Chinese cuisine.

Events like Nixon’s 1972 visit to China sparked brief curiosity in authentic dishes. During his trip, he enjoyed a variety of highly publicized meals, including Peking duck, a famous Beijing dish consisting of thin pancakes, and shark fin soup, which was considered a dish of high status.⁵

Since then, while Americanized Chinese dishes have remained dominant, there has been a steady increase in interest among non-Chinese Americans to explore more traditional and authentic Chinese options. Many restaurants have hope that this openness will continue to grow among customers, allowing for a more accurate understanding of Chinese culinary traditions across the United States.⁶

The American Palate

But what is authentic Chinese food, really? Across China, there are countless regional cuisines, cultural traditions, and cooking techniques that make it difficult to define a single, all-encompassing version of authenticity. Yet, when we look at the evolution of chop suey in America, we can clearly see the emergence of Americanized Chinese food: a simplified, adapted cuisine that clashes with core culinary values shared across much of China.

Despite never having been an official dish in China, the original chop suey reflected signature Chinese values, notably through its incorporation of almost all parts of an animal. Internal organs such as the liver or kidneys, pig intestines, chicken feet, and other inexpensive areas of the animal were usually used so as not to waste the animal as well as to provide a diverse array of flavors. Finding these elements unfamiliar and unappetizing, however, non-Chinese New Yorkers preferred dishes that utilized more widely accepted cuts of meat that included chicken breasts and pork shoulder. Chinese restaurant owners quickly obliged, moving chop suey away from its “mixed bits” origin into a more uniform, meat-heavy dish that aligned with American expectations. To further appeal to American palates, sugar, cornstarch, and soy sauce were also added to create a sweet flavor and a thicker, stickier consistency.⁷

This pattern of adaptation played out across New York, when sweet, savory, and protein-dense dishes like chow mein, fried rice, and General Tso’s chicken gained traction for their affordability and convenience. Such qualities resonated with busy New Yorkers looking for a quick, filling meal. Yet, in the process, many enduring Chinese values, particularly the use of food to foster connection and community, were sidelined. In Chinese culture, meals are often shared family-style, fostering connection among friends, relatives, and even business partners. Cooking and eating together is viewed not as merely a necessity, but as an act of compassion, care, and social bonding. As fast food popularity soared, food choices evolved to prioritize efficiency and practicality. Eating became more individualistic, with customers favoring quick, take-out meals over communal dining experiences. This shift undermined Chinese cuisine as a means of connection, instead emphasizing convenience as its leading characteristic.

Today, many of New York City’s Chinese restaurants continue to compromise between authenticity and efficiency. For example, it is not uncommon for Chinese restaurants to offer their customers both authentic Chinese and Americanized menus. However, restaurant owners remain hopeful that there is a growing openness from non-Chinese customers for a more “authentic” experience. This possibly presents the opportunity for Chinese restaurants to incorporate not only a broader array of Chinese dishes, but also to reintroduce key Chinese values of food as a shared experience that have long been vital to Chinese culture.
Racism and Stereotypes in Contemporary Chinese Restaurants:
In recent days, the sheer number of Chinese restaurants may hint at a growing acceptance of Chinese culture, and even a greater willingness for non-Chinese workers to explore more traditional dishes. However, the prevalence of anti-Asian stereotypes reveals a more complicated dynamic where Chinese businesses are still vulnerable to marginalization and hostility, especially evident in the surge of anti-Chinese sentiment during the COVID-19 -pandemic, particularly evident in the sequence of events that took place in New York City.

In 2019, Lucky Lee’s restaurant opened in Greenwich Village, which was founded by a white Jewish American nutritionist. The owner marketed her restaurants as a “clean” and “healthy” alternative to traditional Chinese food, stating that “…she [the owner] wanted to open up a Chinese restaurant where her and her food-sensitive clients could eat – where the lo-mein wouldn’t make people feel ‘bloated and icky’ the next day, or one where the food wasn’t ‘too oily’ or salty.”⁸ Her rhetoric reflects a broader pattern of white appropriation of Chinese food, where non-Chinese entrepreneurs promote their version of Chinese food as a healthier and safer version of the original.

But this pattern is far from new. Claims regarding unsanitary conditions and unhealthy food in Chinese restaurants have been perpetuated since as early as 1927, when an editorial in the American Restaurant Magazine warned that “eating chop suey in a Chinese-run, rather than white-owned restaurants…is a definite way to contract a disease – if not commit ‘chop-suey-cide.” Baseless claims as such, fueled by labor scapegoating and racial stereotyping, pushed the long-standing narrative that associated Chinese food with health risks and dirtiness.

These deep-rooted biases reemerged in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, during which Chinese communities around the world faced suspicion and violence.

Fears over food safety, driven by stereotypes that portrayed Chinese restaurants as unhygienic and disease-ridden, significantly undermined business in NYC. Restaurants in Chinatown, like Aux Epices, a Malaysian-French restaurant on Baxter St, saw an 80% decrease in customers before its closing in May 2020. Prior to its initial closure in March 2020, owner Mei Chau shared disturbing accounts of her Chinese staff being intentionally shoved on the subway and feeling unsafe commuting to and from work. The restaurant briefly reopened shortly after Mayor Bill de Blasio ordered the shutdown of all NYC restaurants, but only two workers returned. This proved far too few to manage cooking, packaging food, and answering phones. At the same time, the sharp decline in business made it impossible to cover rent, ultimately forcing the restaurant to close permanently. This was not an isolated case, though. Countless Chinatown restaurants closed down shortly following COVID due to a dramatic decline in business, coupled with fears over worker safety.

Although many Chinese restaurants in NYC have begun to recover, derogatory stereotypes surrounding Chinese food persist and have broader consequences than what meets the eye. The expectation that Chinese cuisine must be adapted to better fit American expectations undermines the ability for Chinese restaurants to offer an “authentic” dining experience, while harmful narratives regarding the condition of their food and stores continue to fuel racial discrimination. In acknowledging and supporting the work of Chinese restaurant workers, we must confront the long history of prejudice that shaped their experience. At the very least, we owe respect and recognition to those who dedicate their craft to providing comfort to others.

1. UCLA. 2018. “150 Years of Chinese Food in America.” Conniewenchang.bol.ucla.edu. 2018. http://conniewenchang.bol.ucla.edu/menus/index.html. ↩︎
2. Liu, Haiming. 2009. “Chop Suey as Imagined Authentic Chinese Food: The Culinary Identity of Chinese Restaurants in the United States.” Journal of Transnational American Studies 1 (1). https://doi.org/10.5070/t811006946. ↩︎
3. May 23, Justine Sterling Updated, and 2017. “The Many Origin Stories of Chop Suey.” Food & Wine, https://www.foodandwine.com/news/many-origin-stories-chop-suey. ↩︎
4. Oberlin, Comparative American Studies at. 2021. “A History of Chinese Food in the United States.” Medium. May 9, 2021. https://casoberlin.medium.com/a-history-of-chinese-food-in-the-united-states-a72d134d0e39. ↩︎
5. “Dining for Détente: The Role Food Played during Nixon’s Trip to China – IWFS Blog.” n.d. Blog.iwfs.org. https://blog.iwfs.org/2014/07/dining-for-detente-the-role-food-played-during-nixons-trip-to-china/. ↩︎
6. Itoh, Megu. 2018. “Americanized Chinese Dishes as Heritage Food and Bridging Identities.” Senior Independent Study Theses, January. https://openworks.wooster.edu/independentstudy/8056/. ↩︎
7. Itoh, Megu. 2018. “Americanized Chinese Dishes as Heritage Food and Bridging Identities.” Senior Independent Study Theses, January. https://openworks.wooster.edu/independentstudy/8056/. ↩︎
8. Otterman, Sharon. 2019. “A White Restaurateur Advertised ‘Clean’ Chinese Food. Chinese-Americans Had Something to Say about It.” The New York Times, April 12, 2019, sec. New York. https://www.nytimes.com/2019/04/12/nyregion/lucky-lees-nyc-chinese-food.html. ↩︎